The Relationship between Land Tenure and Conflict
In some countries, lack of access to land is a major livelihood constraint for many people. This is the case particularly in areas suffering marginalization due to political and geographic factors. Where major local grievances exist, poverty can be an underlying reason for recruitment into armed groups as militia members or members of regular forces are able to sustain themselves by looting. Land tenure may not be mentioned as a reason for conflict, but it is linked to poverty which is in turn related to violence. Land scarcity, in the absence of off-farm livelihood options, is therefore often a structural cause of conflict in parts of Africa, and the developing world.
In addition to these structural aspects, land can also be a proximate, or visible, cause of conflict: for example, when land disputes, tenure insecurity, or inequality in land access are recognized as major grievances, which can motivate violence. Usually, grievances over land are combined with other political problems; conflicts are by definition complex and have a number of causes. The nature of mediation and dispute resolution mechanisms are important factors in determining whether parties involved in a conflict will resort to violence: if they are seen as biased or ineffective, violence is likely. Political and military interference in local or traditional systems, such as courts or mediatotion committees, can exacerbate tensions and lead to violence. In many places, local conflict-reconciliation mechanisms are compromised during times of war, but can still offer a potential for addressing disputes over land if they can regain credibility after conflict ceases.
Of course, not all land-scarce countries, or areas with unequal land ownership, suffer conflict. Research suggests that the key determinant of whether violence will occur is not the extent of grievance in any given society, but rather the forms of social and political organization and cleavage which enable “boundaries” to be formed and people mobilized for violent ends. Unfortunately, land access disputes often have ethnic dimensions, as land use patterns and customary land tenure systems have an ethnic basis. Hence, the frequency of disputes involving farmers and pastoralists, and the use of the ‘ethnic card’ by conflict entrepreneurs.
In addition to the “legalistic” aspects of land access and control, there are other dimensions - economic, political, social and spiritual - which are equally important. For example, land may often be significant as a means of production, an area where political authority is expressed and taxes may be raised (the concept of “territory”), a means by which families and individuals maintain social status and also as a source of feelings of ancestral “belonging”, as ancestors are buried within traditional territories. Land is, therefore, by definition an emotional issue, and linked to cultural and other values.
Control over natural resources affects land uses and often, commercial development of natural resources involves individualisation of communal (indigenous) rights, with loss of access resulting for some. This indicates an important aspect which is often forgotten: land rights problems are not purely ‘home-grown’. Land issues may be “embedded” within other struggles; for example, over mining rights, protected areas, or hunting concessions. Where there is ethnic and regional competition about scarce resources, it is usually the result of opportunistic politicisation of identity. In “wars of abundance”, belligerents rely on their capacity to exploit and commercialise the resources, so such wars become self-financing, self-sustaining and therefore not readily open to mediation. Furthermore, the way that many of these wars are financed highlights that they develop within a “globalised” war economy in which the industrialised countries play a role: most of the world’s civil wars in poor countries involve a struggle for control of natural resources that are ultimately sold to wealthy countries. The global economy has a huge influence in the modern climate of economic liberalisation. Global forces can impinge on local land use directly, when foreign investment results in the purchase of land for commercial enterprises, for example, or indirectly, when global markets or donor conditionalities stimulate national prioritization of cash crop production and hence local land use patterns.
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